A short list of such passages places this beyond doubt: the italics, of course, are the editor's: f. The Journal, then, of Stevens was not kept from day to day. It thus lacks order; dates are dropped into it or are left out of it as the purpose of the writer is best served. On the whole, though the Journal is barren of some personal details one wants to know, it is a very human document indeed. It is plain that a scholar like the author did not relish his life as a soldier.
He is conscious of the mistakes of his generals, of the loss of promotion, of the lack of pay, of the blisters on his feet, and of the hunger in his stomach. Stevens sees and he makes the reader see. For the truth, the sincerity, and the reality of his account of the Jacobite war much grumbling may be forgiven him. In interest his Journal is comparable to Mercer's Journal of the Waterloo p. Upon the commissariat of the army Stevens has somewhat to say, and the method of supplying clothing deserves attention.
The pay of the soldier consisted of i subsistence money, the regulated rates being, for a trooper, two shillings out of his total of two and sixpence; for a dragoon, one and twopence out of one and sixpence; for a foot-soldier, sixpence out of eightpence, ii the gross off-reckonings, which were the difference between the whole pay and the subsistence, and iii the net off-reckonings, which were the balance of the gross off-reckonings after all lawful deductions.
These net off-reckonings formed the clothing fund, and belonged to the colonel for that purpose. Out of the off-reckonings was deducted one shilling in the pound on the whole pay, besides one day's pay per annum, for Chelsea Hospital and other purposes. Total pay at 8d. These net off-reckonings belonged to the colonel, and out of them he was obliged to clothe his regiment.
This amount was not excessive for each private, for in two pounds thirteen shillings was reckoned the proper cost of the annual clothing of an infantry soldier. Of course, allowance must be made for the saving effected by regimental contracts. Moreover, some clothing was not required because of casualties and non-effective men.
When the regiment was on active service the colonel could not employ a contractor, p. This money was of course stolen from the private soldier. Even the subsistence money of sixpence a day was tampered with. I confess I thought it very hard that the King should allow 6d. Sometimes instead of a lump sum the colonel received a percentage on the contract. Sometimes the amount of the contract was increased and the colonel received the increase.
These abuses were checked by the plan adopted by the colonel of the Irish Foot-Guards. He allowed each captain to arrange for his company, but this excellent method was not carried out by his successor. My lord Arran who loved to get money left the clothing of the regiment of Guards to each particular captain to take care of his own company, which got him the perfect love of the officers.
My Lord of Ossory has ordered it otherwise, and sent orders to the Receiver-General at least it is come in his name to pay the deductions no more to the captains, but that he will appoint p. Schomberg complained repeatedly in his dispatches of the neglect and cheating of the men by their officers, of the bad state of the men's clothing, and of the astonishing avarice of the colonels who thought of nothing beyond making an income out of their regiments. He characterized the officers of the artillery as ignorant, lazy, and timid.
The incapacity of the officers is indeed great, but their carelessness and laziness are still greater. If all were broke who deserved it on this account, there would be few left. Their captains were butchers, tailors, shoemakers. When Macaulay therefore censures the bad clothing of the troops as due to the defective commissariat he is in error: it was really due mainly to the avarice of the colonels and slightly to the neglect of the captains.
It is worthy of notice that the colonel and lieutenant-colonel had troops in the cavalry and companies in the infantry, and they drew pay as captains of these in addition to their pay as colonels and lieutenant-colonels. In foot regiments the major had always a company, but not in horse or dragoon regiments. The colonel, lieutenant-colonel, and major with the adjutant, quarter-master, and surgeon constituted the regimental staff.
The other officers were divided into three grades, captain, lieutenant, and ensign in the infantry or cornet in the cavalry. Promotion as a rule went by selection on the colonel's recommendation, not by seniority or merit. Salkeld the command of the Horse Grenadiers as a recompense of his former services, in lieu of his employment of lieutenant-colonel, and in order to his disposing of it to his advantage.
Though I know it is against his Majesty's resolution of not suffering commands in the army to be sold, yet, considering what has been told me, and that there can be no harm in making the proposition, I am desired by my Lord Ikerrin, that the King may be acquainted, that his Lordship and Col. Salkeld are agreed for that command of the Grenadiers; but then my Lord Ikerrin hopes that the King will give him leave to surrender the company, which he now has, to a friend of his; and he desires it may be to one Lieutenant John Roth.
If his Majesty approve hereof, your Lordship will be pleased to let me know it, and to send over the commissions. Stevens has a detailed description of the first siege of Limerick , and in it one matter calls for comment. This statement is flatly contradicted by Stevens. Stevens had troubles due to the foul weather, but he had other troubles due to bad money. On ff. The records of Stevens are the best proof that such proclamations as James issued invariably fail in the end. Less than three months had sufficed to bring about this change in value. In short all things were at this time according to this rate for it grew worse and worse daily , and we who were paid in brass had a miserable existence.
Then ale was threepence a quart, whereas now it was ninepence or twelvepence, a rise of two hundred to three hundred per cent. In Dublin , too, ale was twelvepence a quart. The confusion caused by the base money was a grave trouble, but far graver was that brought about by the divisions among the Irish themselves. James found that two distinct, even contradictory, lines of policy were pressed upon him by his English and Irish supporters respectively.
Stevens was so devoted to James that he could not condemn his conduct at the battle of the Boyne , but it is worthy of note he never mentions his king again. To him the sovereign meant everything, the state very little indeed. The Lord's anointed might commit iniquity, and still be able to rely upon the personal devotion of his liegeman.
On the other hand, the features of the Irish Jacobite cannot be drawn in clear outline, for they are sometimes veiled in the shifting mists of variety, sometimes hidden in the dim shadows of uncertainty. His ancestors cared for the first James because they believed that he was descended from their own Milesian kings, but this attachment was not reciprocated, and the feeling passed away.
The Celt wants to see a sovereign regularly in order to adore him. James I was never in Ireland, and the ministers he sent failed to develop the feeling of devotedness to his dynasty. Moreover, all the traditions of an Irish Jacobite were those of a man with ancestors in persistent opposition to the line of Stuart. His grandfather perhaps shared the flight of the earls to Spain. His father, it may be, had borne his part in the rebellion of He had been despoiled of some, if not all, of his family estate by Charles II. The romantic devotion of the Highlander to the name of p. To the English Jacobite these aspirations were largely incomprehensible.
Stevens, for example, regarded Dublin as but one stage in the return journey to London. In fact, of the two courts p. The last sentence gives an important clue to the policy pursued by the Irish Jacobites, for they followed Bishop Molowny's advice and placed implicit trust in France. Of course Avaux sympathized with the bishop, for though their aims were different, the measures they advocated were identical.
Tyrconnel and the French were desirous of leading James in one path, while Melfort and the English wanted to conduct him along a road diametrically opposite. James saw, on the one hand, that he must continue to raise, in the Irish, the hopes raised by his own Lord Deputy; on the other, that if he expected to be restored to England he must protect the colonists.
The two lines of policy were absolutely incompatible, but, standing hesitatingly at the parting of the ways, he tried to achieve the impossible, and effect a conciliation of divergent interests by a policy of mere oscillation. Thus at one time he urged the Protestant bishops to oppose the repeal of the Act of Settlement, at another he insisted on its speedy revocation. An extract from the journals of the proceedings in the Irish Parliament reveals the vacillating character of his policy. On the 28th of May, , a motion of adjournment for a holiday was brought forward.
The motion rejected. Two passages in his Memoirs are highly significant. It had, without doubt, been more generous in the Irish not to have pressed so hard upon their prince when he lay so much at their mercy, and more prudent not to have grasped at regaining all before they were sure of keeping what they p. The divisions of the Irish and English Jacobites hindered the return of James to England, but the advice of Avaux must irrevocably have destroyed any such prospect.
Undoubtedly Avaux intended by this universal annihilation of the Protestants to separate England and Ireland for ever, to place the two nations in a permanently hostile position in order that French interests might be advanced. From f. And for this cause they watchfully keep their cows, and fight for them as for their religion and life; and when they are almost starved, yet they will not kill a cow, except it be old and yield no milk.
Yet will they upon hunger in time of war open a vein of p. Seven or eight will gather to the smoking of a pipe, and each taking two or three whiffs gives it to his neighbours, commonly holding his mouth full of smoke till the pipe comes about to him again. They are without chimneys and make the fire in the middle of the hut, which greatly incommodes those who are not fond of smoke. They put the rushes a foot deep on their floors, and on their windows, and many of them ornament the ceilings with branches.
Other inmates of the cabin were more unpleasant than p. The disappearance took time, but ultimately it came. They go on to complain of want of intelligence, and require their officers to report how far they have gone in the execution of the order, and lay down that in fixing all such creaghts they take care that they be disposed at most distance from their friends and relations, to the end all relief may be the better debarred from the enemy.
An army, whether Williamite or Cromwellian, was obliged to depend for support on supply raised by the assessment of a gross sum on each county, and then apportioned on the inhabitants according to their several stocks and crops. His error is intelligible, for the word was applied to an Irish village or collection of those frail habitations, even though they were not intended to be moved.
Stevens met creaghts, and Story may well have met them. In spite of law and in spite of orders traces of the creaghts persisted till the middle of the eighteenth century. In compliance with a suggestion of Professor Firth, the notes have been re-arranged to avoid having too many on one page: the index of events and persons will facilitate reference. The indices have been omitted from the CELT edition. Notes on well-known people, e. Schomberg, are short, while those on obscure people are necessarily longer.
The spelling of the Journal has been modernized. Names of places have also been modernized, e. Where there seems a doubt the spelling of Stevens has been given. Yet a very considerable number gathering together the small remainders of their shipwreck, and laying aside all worldly considerations, having only before their eyes their duty and love to their sovereign, resolved to follow him through all hazards, in hopes of being instrumental in regaining his just rights. I shall ever esteem it the most glorious action of my life that I made myself one of this number, and cannot but be proud that in all the hardships, and misfortunes, which have attended this my tedious exile, I have never been dismayed, or given way to despair; but relied always on the justice of our cause, and all miseries have been easy to me in consideration of the happiness of my return home.
To come closer to the matter, to wit my transactions after his Majesty's p. There were on board between forty and fifty passengers, whereof about twelve or fourteen gentlemen, the rest private soldiers all on the same account, flying the Prince of Orange's usurpation, and our fellow subjects' most unparalleled rebellion. We had many spectators on the shore, but civiller than what others on the like occasion had found. Sailing down we had some scoffs cast upon us from other boats as we passed, but no stop or trouble till about seven at night, when we met with abundance of ice, and that very thick.
Still we made the best of our way, the wind blowing a fresh gale, till about eight, when it grew very dark, and there being no seamen aboard, but the master who was almost blind, and a little boy, we ran aground about two miles within Gravesend, where we lay about three-quarters of an hour, and then the water flowing brought us off. We kept on with great difficulty by reason of the great flakes of ice the tide drove up and, having happily escaped being stopped or examined at Gravesend, by the help of the darkness were again aground about eleven of the clock three miles below the town, where we lay all night.
Saturday the 12th in the morning at high water we floated again, and, nothing remarkable happening, cast anchor that night at the buoy in the Nore amidst the rebellious English fleet, the false Lord Dartmouth then riding admiral there. However about twelve of the clock, though it was very dark, and somewhat rough, we thought it better to commit ourselves to the mercy of the p.
Sunday the 13th: the morning proved excessive cold with much snow and the darkness was such that we knew not how to avoid the sands, and about three of the clock were the third time aground, about three leagues within Margate, on a hard sand with an ebbing water, so that there was little likelihood of getting off, and, the wind blowing very fresh, though not stormy, the vessel beat violently on the bank for near half an hour, to the great terror of us all, expecting either that or the next ebb at farthest to be lost.
Thus we all betook ourselves to prayers. After a while one Mr. But Mr. Usher's real intention was to save himself, and consequently leaped the first into the boat, three others presently following him; I seeing all throng to the ship side, fearing the boat would be sunk, would not attempt to get into it, but resigned myself to God's Will, and resolved to take my fortune in the vessel. The fourth man leaping into the boat from the deck put her away from the side of the vessel, and she drove off without oars, or sail, the tide carrying her violently away in a minute, so that we gave them for lost, having only just heard them cry out for oars, when it was out of our power to assist them.
When day appeared we found all about us for above a mile dry except some little channels not a foot deep: whereupon I advised the master to carry out an anchor before the water rise towards the channel, that might bring about the head of the vessel at high water, for the wind was almost in our stern, p. Monday the 14th: we continued at Deal, endeavouring to persuade the master of the same hooker that brought us to carry us to Calais ; we used all our endeavours, but could not at first prevail so that some of the company were for going to Dover, which I was utterly against, knowing what multitude of people flocked thither to be transported, and being informed of the barbarous usage most of them received there.
At night having very well treated the master of the vessel and his wife, we agreed to find fifteen passengers, who should give him ten shillings a man for their passage in hand and he to make what he could besides, and to sail next day, which was the hardest to obtain, but at length we concluded on it. Tuesday the 15th: we embarked about noon, the vessel being ashore, and about two sailed, the wind at north-west, that night came to an anchor in Calais road, not daring to venture in in the dark. The night proved very favourable, being calm but very cold, and the number of passengers was so great in proportion to the vessel that there was not room for us all to sit much less to lie under deck, and were forced to walk great part of the night in the cold air.
Beside we had so little forecast as not to put aboard anything either to eat or drink, which proved no small punishment though the time was short, being most of us very hungry and thirsty. Wednesday the 16th st. We went ashore being carried out p. Thursday the 27th st. I spent in viewing the town, which is small and hath not anything very remarkable. The chief thing are the fortifications, which are in part new, and still more works carrying on. In the evening word was brought that the town major ordered all English gentlemen to retire into the suburbs, which I obeyed for that night in hopes of getting away the next morning by water to St.
Omer, and so went out of town an extraordinary dirty way over a great field, which divides the town and suburb, which is also excessive dirty and has but little accommodation at best, much less then being very full of English. With much difficulty I found a lodging and lay there that night, but. Friday the 28th: to go on with the style of the country, returning to town in the morning I was stopped by the sentry at the gate, there being many at the same time waiting there, and having stayed a while till an officer was called, he with difficulty let me and three other gentlemen in.
This night I continued in town. Saturday the 29th: meeting with the Lord Buchan 46 and several other Scotch gentlemen, we agreed with a boat to p. Sunday the 30th: in the morning we went aboard a boat, carrying no provision as being told we had but eight leagues to St. Omer, and the boat to be drawn by horses.
About half way we met much ice, and were told the channel was quite closed up a little farther. That night we were forced to stay at a miserable village, where there were no beds but good clean straw, and scarce anything to eat, which made us very earnest to be gone the sooner, and accordingly. Monday the 31st: we returned to the boat about three in the morning, and having gone about two leagues were again stopped, the floods having been so great that the water was too high at a bridge we came to for the boat to go through.
The night being excessive cold I went ashore to seek some fire at two or three poor houses by the bridge, and the first there was neither fire nor fuel, and having with much difficulty, by reason of the darkness and dirtiness of the way, got over to another I found five or six poor women warming themselves at a little straw, having nothing else to burn. There we sat awhile to refresh our joints that were almost benumbed with cold, and when day appeared returned to the boat. The water falling a little, with much difficulty the boat was forced through. After a long dispute and almost alarming the country they agreed, and so we went on for near two leagues when we struck out of this cut channel into the river of St.
Omer, and then no longer could be drawn by horses, but hoisted sail, and as our good fortune ordered it the wind was fair, and we sailed till about three in the afternoon we arrived at Watou, and were forced to stop some time to satisfy the customhouse officers. Here p. Tuesday the 1st of February sti.
Omer, which is a very fine city having large and handsome streets, the buildings generally good and several stately churches. The great market place is large and beautiful; the walls and outworks of the town of a considerable strength. The river runs up to the gates, on each side of which is a very fine quay for the vessels that come up.
Wednesday the 2nd of February to go on with the style of the country : about eight in the morning we saw a narrow long cart hooped over and covered with an oiled cloth, in which there was not room for us without our portmanteaus, so that to make room for them, after crowding four into the cart, two were forced to sit upon the horses that drew.
This night we lay at Auchel, a little village three leagues from Aire, where were only three poor inns, which not being capable of entertaining the great number of people that travelled that way, the greater part lay upon straw. These three leagues the way was very deep and hilly, the soil a stiff clay.
Thursday the 3rd: went to St. Pol which is but four leagues, there being no conveniency to lodge farther, unless we went six leagues which, our way of travelling, could not be performed that day. This is a pretty good town now somewhat decayed: it has been fortified, whereof at present only the memory remains in an old ruined wall. There are here four little churches. Friday the 4th: travelled six leagues to Doullens, a good little town; but coming in at night I could remark nothing in it but one good church and the inn where I lodged, which was very magnificent in its rooms, being very large and extraordinary well furnished.
The town in a bottom enclosed by very high hills. Saturday the 5th: we arrived at Amiens, which is eight leagues from Doullens, were conducted to the governors, who soon dispatched us. All this road from Aire is very bad, deep, and a stiff clay, insomuch that walking as for the most part I did, by reason of the smallness and uneasiness of our cart, so much dirt stuck to the shoes I could scarce many times lift my feet. For it is generally a very fat soil, yet mixed with a small sand, which binds it together like lime, the way all between arable land, but not separated by any hedges or otherwise, the country being all open without any distinction of fields or enclosures, not any banks, ditches or scarce a tree.
The people for the most part are extremely poor, and consequently their villages very inconsiderable, and such as afford little or no accommodation for travellers. Most of which time was spent in seeing that city, to give a particular account whereof would require a much longer stay there and might afford matter for a particular work. To be short it is a very fine city and much beyond any I have seen in England, except London, as are many other cities of France.
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The streets are large and well paved, the buildings lofty and sightly, the number of churches very considerable, whereof I saw many. The cathedral is very magnificent, large and well built, all the front covered with images of stone: there is an ascent of about twelve or fourteen steps to the gate.
In this church I saw a skull, which is kept in great veneration, being esteemed to be that of p. Wednesday the 9th: we set out for Paris , sixteen of us in a thing they call a coach; in England it would pass for a wagon, only the covering is more like that of a coach.
This day we travelled seven leagues to Breteuil, a good small town plentiful enough of all accommodations. The road though bad was not so deep as before, the country more enclosed, and pleasanter than the last we came through, but what added to it was that our coach was much easier than the cart we had to Amiens. Friday the 11th: seven leagues to Lucheux, which is a good small town and has convenient inns, though not like the last.
The country about is hilly and this stands on a small hill. The road is pleasant, being gravelly, and on both sides are many vineyards, which produce good grapes, but yield a very small wine.
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Saturday the 12th: baited at St. Denis, seven leagues distant from Lucheux, and two from Paris. It is but a small town, but in it that most famous and stately church from which I believe the town takes its name, being the burial place not only of St. Denis the patron but of many kings of France, and most worthy of admiration for the unknown value of its treasure. Here I continued Sunday and Monday. Tuesday the 15th: I took coach for St. Germains, where both their Majesties with the Prince of Wales then kept their court.
It is four leagues from Paris , the way most sandy and causeway, but a little hilly. On the left of the road stands a house of the king's, called Madrid. Germains stands upon a hill, the ascent very steep, the town is capable of entertaining a great court, the palace large and beautiful, but not regular; many new buildings are begun about it.
The sufferings of my king in his exile, the dangers of my father mother and brethren whom I had left in the power of my inhuman countrymen, and my own condition in a strange country without any friends but such as were under my own circumstances, were causes sufficient to produce care and trouble to the most insensible of men. And if hitherto I seem p. Thursday the 24th of February: being the first Thursday in Lent, when finding most of my friends were gone before on their way to Brest, in several routes, I having stayed till this time in hopes of a bill of exchange from England.
Saturday the 26th: we set out very early, and went through to Orleans being twenty leagues: six to Outarville, 60 four to Toury, where we baited, four thence to Artenay, and thence six to Orleans. This road is generally deep in winter, wherefore for the conveniency of travellers there is a continued causeway from Paris to Orleans broad enough for coaches, and well kept in repair, but for horse great part of the way is good all the year.
This manner of travelling with the messenger, p. Sunday the 27th: I continued at Orleans , which is a very beautiful city, well built after the ancient manner. Here are many large churches, which I cannot much commend for their structure or ornament, the churches in France being generally inferior to those of Flanders. Over the river Loire is a beautiful stone bridge, adorned with a large crucifix, with the king kneeling on the right and Joan of Arc, commonly called the Maid of Orleans , on the left, as a memorial of their success under her against the English, who burnt her as a witch, the French to this day paying reverence to her as a saint.
Monday the 28th: after noon we embarked upon the Loire in large flat-bottomed boats, about passengers in each. These vessels have no deck, but were covered over with slit deal set up like the ridge of a house. With us were put into every boat hogsheads of wine, beef boiled and roast, and p. Friday the 4th of March: late at night with much difficulty we obtained leave to land at Nantes , where we continued Saturday and Sunday.
This is a very good harbour and commonly well stored with ships, its trade to most parts of Europe being very considerable, the most noted commodity which takes name from the place is brandy. It has a good bridge, and many considerable churches, especially the cathedral, which is large and beautiful.
This was the first place where I received the benefit of the Route, which was the same as free quarters, being diet and lodging, only the billet mentioned a captain's allowance not to exceed four livres or 6s. Here I had a captain's billet and continued to be treated as such all the way, being entered as such by the king's order under Major Ingram, who commanded a Route, and was my friend.
Other boats came in on Saturday and Sunday, which well stocked the city with the king's subjects, and the country small towns not being fit to entertain so great a number, it was ordered we that came first should march on Monday, the others to follow in several bodies.
This is the first town we were in of Brittany, and lies upon the very borders of that province. Monday the 7th: we marched to Savenay, seven leagues from Nantes , the leagues in Brittany are very long 64 and it p. Tuesday the 8th: we marched two leagues to Donges; this was very plain and good, about the middle of it is a small inlet from the sea, very wide, but runs not far up, so that there is a way about, and a shorter over a ferry.
Not having time to recover the former day's weariness and my feet being very sore, I found this day's march though so short extreme tiresome. This method is used either where provision is not to be found for such a number as the Route contains, or in privileged towns that are exempted from providing anything but lodging to such as quarter in them. Herbignac is a good town, but inferior to many in Brittany. Friday the 11th: it was designed we should march to Ambon, but when we were within a league of it the commissary, that always went with us, sent word the townspeople p.
Saturday the 12th: being excessively tired and my feet sore I got upon one of the carts that carried our luggage and was drawn by oxen, and in this manner was carried four leagues p. Monday the 14th: our appointed stage was but three leagues to Auray, so it was agreed by the commissary and captains of Routes to burn that town, as the phrase is, that is receive money for our quarters, and march through to Landevant three leagues farther, which was appointed for the next day.
The country here is very pleasant full of rising hilly ground, but not mountainous, with large delightful commons, wherein is store of hares. This town is not large, but well built, and has many wealthy inhabitants, who afforded us good quarters, but our stay was only for one night. Tuesday the 15th: three leagues to Hennebont a large town, has many good houses, and one great and handsome church; but the worst contrived in the manner of its streets that ever I saw, there being not one good one in the whole, and one part of them steep as precipices, most very narrow, and short.
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For in this as in most great towns of France there are many gentlewomen, who appear very splendid in apparel, and among them some of tolerable faces; to some of our company a painted face with petticoats was an angel, and every one fancied if he walked but by the lady's side, and she happened to look that way, though it were but to spit, that he had won her heart, for I observed some of these courtiers spoke not one word of French, yet they followed the women about the town, and even to their chambers courting them with bows and grimaces, the custom of France and their civility to strangers or their design to ridicule them allowing this liberty.
With the assistance of such as could stammer some French balls were p. On Thursday the 17th: to Quimperle a town reputed much inferior to the last, but in my esteem equal to it or rather better were it not somewhat decayed. It has at the entrance a commendable river oh the one hand, and on the other a noble mansion house of the Duke Mazarin. On Friday the 18th, in the morning the duke invited us all to a most splendid breakfast he had provided for us, where was all variety of fish exquisitely dressed, with other sorts of dainties fit for the time, plenty of the best wines, and an inexpressible civility and courtesy shown by him to every individual person.
I cannot but say I saw not in all France a more general or particular act of civility than this in all my progress through it. The entertainment ended, we set out and marched five leagues to a very poor small and much decayed p. This city stands in a bottom, on the banks of a very pleasant navigable river, which runs through it: on all sides it is surrounded with high hills that overlook it, on the south side they are close to the town and very steep.
The cathedral is very large and sumptuous, has a beautiful choir, and all round it many chapels well adorned: 67 the market-place wherein it stands is large and plentifully supplied with all sorts of fish, which it being then Lent constantly filled it. The streets are not very commendable being after the old fashion generally narrow, but in the suburbs which are very large the streets are wider; the houses everywhere spacious though not very sightly, being ancient buildings. About a mile from the town is a pleasant house of the archbishop's not much to be commended for its greatness, yet valuable for its gardens divided into delightful walks and fishponds with much variety and several ornaments.
Strangers here find very good entertainment, provisions being very cheap, their inns though not like those of England, yet well furnished with good beds, and meat cleanly and well dressed, variety of good wines and the common rate M. Here we may be said to have first breathed after our toils, resting sixteen or seventeen days, p. Palm Sunday, the 3rd of April, to Locronan three leagues, the weather was fair, the way good, for a large space a great road then a very wide open common, where we saw many of the country people well armed who had been mustering. On the road, a league from Locronan, is a small village, wherein is a pretty little church.
Here as I was passing through looking into the church a woman came running and rung the bell, and inquiring into the occasion, we found some of our scattering scoundrels were pillaging the poultry thereabouts, which caused the ringing the bell to alarm the neighbourhood, the people being abroad by reason of the muster and because it was Sunday. Coming out we saw six of our men running with their drawn swords after ten or twelve of the poor naked country men and women, who getting over a style faced about p.
Monday the 4th: we had a long but not very tiresome march to Crozon six leagues, the weather was fair, the way good, and country very pleasant, full of rising fertile ground but no mountain or steep ascent. This town is somewhat larger and better than the last, seated high, the streets open, and has pleasant seats about it. This bay makes one of the finest harbours in the world being at least three leagues over every way, enclosed round with high hills which shelter it much from storms, and make it very secure: the mouth of it, being very long and narrow, lies east and west, and is divided into two channels, a long ridge of rocks lying along the middle.
The north channel is best and most used, both have much water but little room for a ship to tack which makes it the more difficult coming in and out. The action there was no assurance that the base could be held with the fleet not present. On the other hand, the fleet if present could not be serviced without adequate floating facilities while necessary construction was being accomplished ashore.
So the idea of fleet logistics afloat was becoming more and more firmly rooted; only time was needed to make it practical, as our knowledge and experience were still so meager that we had little detailed conception of our logistic needs. Even when someone with a vivid imagination hatched an idea, he frequently was unable to substantiate it to the planning experts and it was likely to be set down as wild exaggeration. How little we really knew in as compared with shows in a comparison of the service forces active at both times.
In the Base Force Train included a total of 51 craft of all types, among them 1 floating drydock of destroyer capacity. By the total was vessels, every one of them needed. The 14 oilers which were all the Navy owned in had leaped to 62, in addition to merchant tankers which brought huge cargoes of oil, aviation gasoline, and Diesel fuel to bases where the Navy tankers took them on board for distribution to the fleet.
No less than 21 repair ships of various sizes had supplanted the 2 the Navy had 5 years before. The battleships had 3 floating drydocks, the cruisers 2, and the destroyers 9, while small craft had Hospital ships had risen from 1 to 6, and in addition there were 3 transport evacuation vessels, while the ammunition ships numbered 14, plus 28 cargo carriers and 8 LST's Landing Ship, Tanks. The number of combatant ships had increased materially, and it is natural to ask if the auxiliaries should not have increased comparably. The answer is, of course, yes. But the increase of combatant ships had been visualized, and the building programs were undertaken before the war began.
It flourished with increased momentum during the early part of the war, long before the minimum auxiliary requirements could be correctly estimated and the rush of procurement started. The original planers had done their best, but it was not until the urgency for auxiliaries developed as a vital. Merchant ships were converted whenever possible, and this, with concentrated efforts to provide drydocks and other special construction, produced every required type in numbers that would have been considered preposterous only a short time before.
Calhoun commanded the Base Force there and had his flag in the U. Overnight his duties increased enormously. Thousands of survivors of the attack had nothing but the clothes they wore, which in many cases consisted of underwear only. These naval personnel had to be clothed, fed, quartered, re-recorded, and put on new payrolls with the utmost expedition in order to make them available for assignment anywhere.
There were hundreds of requests for repairs, ammunition, and supplies of all kinds. Calhoun expanded his staff to three times its original size, and despite the excitement, confusion, diversity of opinion, uncertainty, and shortages of everything, he brilliantly mustered order from what could easily have been chaos.
Calhoun, soon promoted to vice admiral, continued as Commander of the Service Force until , and the remarkable cooperation, hustle, and assistance rendered by his command are unforgettable. This was especially true in the advanced areas. Any duty to which the term "service" could be applied was instantly undertaken on demand; this contributed enormously to the fleet efficiency, and, in consequence, to the progress of the campaign. No single command contributed so much in winning the war with Japan as did the Service Force of the Pacific Fleet. It served all commands, none of which could have survived alone.
W.H.G. Kingston and Henry Frith
Neither could all of them combined have won without the help of the Service Force. It is deserving of much higher public praise than it ever received, and, most of all, its activities should be a matter of deepest concern and study by all who aspire to high fleet commands.
At the time of the Pearl Harbor attack the Base Force had a few more vessels than in , but otherwise was substantially unchanged. Crosse , which had been established in June of to give quicker and more direct service on the west coast and to aid in more efficient procurement and shipment for the mid-Pacific. Squadron Two included hospital ships, fleet motion-picture exchange, repair ships, salvage ships, and tugs.
Squadron Four had the transports and the responsibility for training. This was the tiny nucleus of what eventually became the great Amphibious Force, or Forces. Squadron Six took care of all target-practice firing and of the towing of targets, both surface and aerial. Squadron Eight had the responsibility for the supply and distribution to the fleet of all its fuels, food, and ammunition. Growth and changes came. Headquarters had already moved ashore from the U.
Argonne to the Pearl Harbor Navy Yard, and later moved again to the new administration building of the Commander in Chief Pacific, in the Makalapa area outside the navy yard. Two years later, in July of , the Service Force moved into its own building, a huge three-story, foot structure adjacent to the CinCPac Headquarters. The organizational and administrative changes were dictated by the increasing requirements of the war. Squadron Four was decommissioned and its transports given to the Amphibious Force, as already noted. By the summer of the rapidly changing conditions of the war caused a further reorganization, and Service Force was realigned into four major divisions: Service Squadrons Two, Six, and Eight, and Fleet Maintenance Office.
Except for some additional duties, the functions of the three numbered squadrons remained unchanged. The Fleet Maintenance Office took over all hull, machinery, alteration, and improvement problems involving battleships, carriers, cruisers, and Service Force vessels, while the Service Force Pacific Subordinate Command at San Francisco continued its original functions and expanded as the tempo of the war mounted.
It became the logistic agency for supplying all South Pacific bases. By August of , operations there were of such critical nature, with the campaign against the enemy in the Solomons and Guadalcanal about to begin, that the Service Force South Pacific Force was authorized to deal direct with Commander in Chief, Commander Service Force Pacific,. As the war went on, the number of vessels assigned to the Service Force went steadily upward. With each new campaign our needs increased, and so did the number of ships.
By September of the Service Force had vessels listed, and in March no less than vessels had been assigned, of them still under construction or undergoing organization and training. Much of this increase was in patrol craft for Squadron Two and barges for Squadron Eight. Barges and lighters of all types were being completed rapidly, but moving them from the United States to the areas of use was a problem. Having no means of propulsion, they had to be towed out to Pearl Harbor, and thence still farther westward, in the slowest of convoys.
The departure of merchant ships and tugs hauling ungainly looking lighters and barges was not so inspiring a sight as that of a sleek man-of-war gliding swiftly under the Golden Gate Bridge and standing out to sea. Yet these barges, ugly as they were proved invaluable in support of operations at advanced anchorages. A new Squadron Four, entirely different from its predecessor, was commissioned in October and sent to Funafuti in the Ellice Islands to furnish logistic support to the fleet.
In February of , Squadron Ten of a similar nature went to Majuro in the Marshalls, soon absorbed the Service Force until the end of the war. Just a year later - February - Service Force had been assigned 1, vessels of all types, with of them still to report; and by the end of July , a few weeks before hostilities ended, it had no less than 2, ships, including those of Service Force Seventh Fleet, over which administrative control had been established in June.
There were planes in the Utility Wing. The total of personnel was 30, officers and , enlisted men, or approximately one-sixth of the entire naval service at the peak of the war. Squadron Twelve, nicknamed "Harbor stretcher," had been commissioned in March for the primary purpose of increasing depths in channels and harbors where major fleet units would anchor, or where coral reefs and shallow water created serious navigational hazards.
By far the largest operation Twelve undertook was at Guam. Six was the third link in a chain of service squadrons with the duty of remaining constantly near the striking forces or close behind them as they moved nearer Japan. Eight hauled the supplies from the west coast and the Caribbean areas to bases, anchorages, and lagoons in the forward area. Ten then took hold, but even its fine services were not as close as desired to task forces and major combat units when they wished to remain at sea for indefinite periods, and take no time between strikes to return to newly established anchorages in what had been enemy territory a short time before.
So Squadron Ten in such cases passed on its supply ships to Six as ammunition, fuel, and provisions were needed, and the transfers were all made at sea. After discharging into the combat groups, the empty supply ships were passed back by Six to Ten to be refilled, or still farther back to Eight, which resupplied them from the west coast, Hawaiian, or other areas. There was a fleet chaplain who had a similar two-hat set-up.
The operating squadrons, coordinated with each other and organized as self-sufficient commands for internal regulations, were separate from these sections. Each one had its own commander, chief of staff, and appropriate administrative, communications, operations, supply, and maintenance sections. This latter officer controlled the usual staff functions and several special ones: Postal Officer, Legal Officer, Public Relations later Public Information , and so on.
This rearrangement into two types of organization within the Service Force had a sound reason behind it. The earlier squadron scheme tended to narrow the use of the vessels assigned to activities of that squadron only. With the section scheme, in which vessels were all under control of the operations office, the broadest possible use of the vessels to meet special problems of any section could be more readily made.
At any rate, the section scheme was gaining favor over the squadron when hostilities ended, and the functions of the various squadrons were being absorbed by the sections. The actual change-over to the final section organization was not, however, made complete until the fighting was over. The Colorado was already undergoing overhaul at Bremerton.
When the work was finished, this group assembled on 31 March at San Francisco. There they were joined by the New Mexico , Mississippi , and Idaho , which had been rushed from the Atlantic. Together with a squadron of destroyers which had no tender, this seven-ship force based on San Francisco until late in May. The ships were serviced almost entirely from shore facilities. With the exception of targets, target-towing vessels, and planes they were given very little floating service.
On 14 April the force left port with the possibility of being used to assist in stopping the Japanese in their South Pacific drive toward Australia. No train group of supply vessels was available, so the ships were crammed with all the fuel, food, and ammunition they could hold. So heavily overloaded were they at the start that they were three to four feet deeper in the water than they were ever meant to be.
The third or armored decks were all below the water line; none of the ships could have withstood much damage either above or below water. The Coral Sea action was fought before they could take part in it, the enemy backed off, and the force was not called upon. After staying at sea until their fuel was nearly gone and the fresh provisions exhausted, the ships returned to California at San Pedro. No one concerned with it will ever forget the servicing of this force there.
The San Pedro base had not been used by the fleet for 2 years, and. Upon notification of the prospective arrival, and the stores and fuel required, the base authorities called upon the citizens and local firms for action. The response was a magnificent demonstration of patriotic support by the entire community. Rich and poor, celebrities and unknowns, worked side by side on docks and vessels of all sorts, including yachts, operated in many instances by their owners.
The job was completed in good time. Of course, there was no problem of resupply of ammunition because the force had not been in action. If there had been, no doubt it could have been solved by the "incredible Yankee resourcefulness" of the Californians. However, the point to be observed in this maneuver is that the Navy was unprepared at this fleet base to do an efficient job of logistics for a small force of its ships, mainly because of its lack of floating equipment. In fact, the Navy was unprepared to do the job at all without the wholehearted community assistance. This battleship force continued to base on San Francisco until midsummer of , when it moved to Pearl Harbor.
Our Asiatic Fleet had meanwhile moved south from the Philippines and into the Java area, joining with the British cruisers Exeter , Hobart , Perth , and Electra , which were accompanied by several destroyers, and the Dutch cruisers of the East Indies Force, DeRuyter , Java , and Tromp , also with a few destroyers.
Many of these British and Dutch vessels were in use for convoying to and from Singapore, and real concentration in full strength was not attained until near the end. What joint action occurred was poorly coordinated, not only in tactics but in basing and servicing. Our submarines, however, based first at Darwin, later at Fremantle, West Australia.
The two forces. On 12 December the two cruisers left the formation and proceeded on special duty at greater speed. The ships were in hostile waters, had no intelligence of the enemy's whereabouts, and everyone was keenly alert, every eye strained for possible danger.
At , the Langley suddenly opened fire on a suspicious object, range 6,, first spot up The dimly seen object turned out to be the planet Venus, which is sometimes visible during daylight in that particular atmosphere. No hits were made! On 13 December the light cruiser Marblehead Captain A.
Robinson joined, and the next day the whole detachment anchored in Balikpapan, Borneo, where the merchant liner President Madison , three Dutch tankers, and two British ships were already moored.
Later submarine tenders Holland and Otus and cruisers Houston and Boise came in, together with the converted yacht Isabel , the auxiliary Gold Star , ocean tug Whippoorwill , the small seaplane tender Heron , the converted destroyer seaplane tender William B. Preston , and a few small craft. All the ships were fueled here, and the oilers Trinity and Pecos refilled with oil and gasoline. Admiral Glassford divided his Task Force Five into two groups on the basis of speed.
The fast group was headed by Captain S. Robinson in the Boise , the slower commanded by Captain A. Robinson in the Marblehead , and all, including the flagship Houston , sailed for Makassar in the Celebes, N. There Admiral Glassford wished to hold preliminary conferences with the Dutch and British. The two groups remained at Makassar, holding drills and refueling, until 22 December, when they steamed out for their respective areas. The auxiliaries went to Darwin, which was soon found to be too far away, and too hazardous as well, to be any proper logistic base. Patrol Wing Ten had had rough going from the start, both from operational hardships and from the enemy.
The Heron , Childs , and William B. Preston did most of the servicing for these squadrons. The Australian command was cordial and the two organizations exchanged some operational and material support, but neither was strong enough to do what was called for in either reconnaissance or offensive strikes.
On 15 January , 26 Japanese bombers and 10 fighters attacked Ambon. We lost 3 patrol planes and had others damaged. The next day, Patrol Squadron , of which only 4 planes were left, was ordered to Soerabaja. Patrol Squadron 22 held on for a few days longer at Kendari. On the 24th the Childs barely escaped a Japanese task force there, and it was clear that the end was not far off. Given another month of attention at the hands of an enemy who held control of the air whenever he chose to exercise it, no amount of logistics could save the situation.
What was needed desperately and did not have was air power - bombers, fighters, and patrol - in sufficient strength to fight it out with the oncoming Japanese. The other auxiliaries were designated as the Train and sent to Darwin, which by order of the Chief of Naval Operations in Washington was made the logistic base. Since it was apparent that Darwin was too far away, the Trinity was used in some of the bays nearer the scene of operations.
Later the oiler Pecos and the commercial tanker George D. Henry were taken from Darwin and put to more active use. Soerabaja was the main operating base until the final 3 weeks of the defense campaign in the Netherlands East Indies. The Train consisted of the flagship submarine tender Holland Captain J. Gregory , with Captain W. Lademan ; the seaplane tender Langley Commander R. McConnell ; the oiler Pecos Commander E. Abernethy ; the destroyer tender Blackhawk Commander G.
Harriss ; the small seaplane tender Heron Lieutenant W. Kabler ; the converted destroyer seaplane tenders Childs Commander J. Pratt and William B. Preston Lieutenant Commander E. Grant ; and the converted patrol yacht Isabel Lieutenant John W. On 18 January the first refueling at sea in this campaign took place when the Trinity oiled the destroyer Alden at a speed of 10 knots. Again the tanker, on 7 and 8 February, refueled six escorting destroyers at 9.
Four days previous - 3 February - the Japanese had bombed us out of Soerabaja, and on the 10th practically the entire Asiatic Fleet, with. Train, had gathered at Tjilatjap, Java. But there was not security anywhere. A week later, on 17 February, the Trinity had to go all the way to Abadan, Iran, for oil.
The Japanese had shut off or captured every East Indian source except a very small supply from the interior of Java, so this dangerous voyage of more than 5, miles was necessary. The oiler Pecos was also scheduled to refill in the Persian Gulf, but was sunk - with the Langley survivors on board - by the enemy on 1 March, just after getting started for Colombo, Ceylon.
The Train, in its short 10 days at Tjilatjap, put in some much-needed work on the worn, racked, and hard pressed ships of our striking force, and then most of its own vessels had to be sent off the Exmouth Gulf, West Australia, for the jig was nearly up in Dutch waters.
Usually ample fuel oil was available for this force, and some of the Dutch tankers were very efficient, but the method of distribution practiced by the Dutch bases was slow. Much of the oil was stored in the interior. The service from our tankers was faster, but in the circumstances these tankers could not be made available to all. Toward the last there was a shortage because of the dependency the naval ports had placed upon peacetime delivery from Borneo and Sumatra, rather than upon full development of interior Javanese oil sources.
The Australian cruiser Hobart , for example, though undamaged, could not participate in the Java Sea battle on 27 February because she could not get fuel. Tjilitjap was the operating base for both Dutch and American striking forces after we were bombed out of Soerabaja. It was inadequate, but of course it was only a matter of days before it too became untenable. Each successive raid by or encounter with Japanese planes left us with fewer ships. After her severe mauling on 4 February, the cruiser Marblehead was patched up, mainly by her own crew, so that she could start for home by way of Ceylon and the Cape of Good Hope.
It speaks well for the initiative and resourcefulness of the shot-up crew of the Marblehead - and the men of some other vessels - that the patchwork enabled the ship to function. The destroyer Stewart , however, had to be abandoned in a bombed and disabled condition in a bomb-wrecked Dutch drydock. The Japanese salvaged her and put her in service, only to lose her to our Navy in action. Grounding had damaged the Boise on 21 January so badly that she was beyond repair by available facilities. She was accordingly cannibalized - stripped, for the benefit of her sisters - of all ammunition and stores and sent limping off to Ceylon.
He had 5 cruisers and 10 destroyers left out of the combined Dutch, British, and American forces, not counting submarines and their tenders, and the old aircraft tender Langley , sunk a few days later. The after turret of the Houston was inoperative as a result of bombing on 4 February, and there was not facility for repairing it before going into action. Doorman failed, and the order was given to leave the Java Sea.
Only 4 American destroyers could do so; all the other ships were sunk by the Japanese. Orders for the withdrawal to the Australian coast for some of the personnel on shore were accomplished only by extreme methods, as we did not have enough vessels. Not even the little shore material there for servicing could be moved. In this campaign there never was sufficient force available to stop or greatly delay the Japanese.
No matter how adequate the logistics might have been, the outcome would not have been very different. This brief outline merely shows the relationship logistics bore to the situation. Fletcher with Task Force Seventeen joined in raiding some of the Japanese-held islands of the Marshall and Gilbert groups. Louis ; the fleet oiler Sabine ; and five destroyers. They were guarding the landing of Marines in Samoa when the raids were ordered. While at sea the carriers and large vessels refueled on 17 January from the tankers Platte Captain R.
Henkle and Sabine Commander H. This was repeated on 23 and 28 January. These raids seem to warrant a continuance, so on 14 February Halsey with the carrier Enterprise , two cruisers, seven destroyers, and the tanker Sabine sailed from Pearl Harbor for a raid on Wake Island.
He should have had another tanker in case he lost the Sabine , but unfortunately at that time tankers were almost as scarce as carriers. The strike was made on the 24th. Wake was bombed and shelled with excellent results and with the loss of only one plane. The Sabine meantime had retired to the northeast, and 2 days later she rejoined, refueling the destroyers once more.
He was discovered, used up much of his fuel in high-speed maneuvers while beating off Japanese plane attacks, and canceled the raid. Fletcher, was on its way to the South Pacific. After fueling twice at sea from the Guadalupe Commander H. Thurber it joined the Lexington group under Brown in a raid on 10 March on Salamaua and Lae on the New Guinea coast in which considerable damage was done to enemy naval and transport vessels.
On 12 March the destroyers fueled from the heavy cruisers Indianapolis and Pensacola. Two days later the force was joined by the tankers Neosho Captain J. Phillips and Kaskaskia Commander W. Taylor , and refueled from them during the next 3 days. Then came the very dramatic raid on Tokyo, the comparative value of which may never be fully decided. It kept carriers, tankers, other ships, and planes away from the South Pacific where they might well have been used to turn the balance from defensive to offensive weeks earlier.
However, the heartening effect upon the nation may have been worth it. Redfield , sailed from San Francisco. On 8 April, Cimarron fueled destroyers Gwin. The next day which was set for fueling was too rough. On the 10th the Vincennes was fueled and on the 11th the remaining destroyers took some from the Hornet. There the destroyers and tankers left the striking force and turned back on an easterly course.
Then all proceeded to Pearl, where it was hurry up all logistics and get off to the South Pacific where the Japs looked very threatening. The Hornet had to get new squadrons on board and some task-force and ship reorganization made. Fletcher, with flag in the Yorktown. Fletcher was now senior task-force commander in the South Pacific. The Yorktown had been at sea since 17 February , and since the Salamaua raid had fueled from the Tippecanoe Commander A. Macondray in March, and twice in April from the Platte. On 20 April the group reached Tongatabu, where it found fuel, some mail, and limited amounts and types of provisions, and enjoyed a few days of relaxation after 62 days of tension.
When Fitch left Pearl for the South Pacific, available information indicated early concentration of some enemy force there. Later, at Tongatabu, the news definitely suggested a threat in force by the enemy against Port Moresby on the south coast of New Guinea, and perhaps against New Caledonia or Australia.
Meantime, Fletcher at Tongatabu got everything he needed except rest, and sailed 27 April for the Coral Sea. Fitch was diverted to join him there. On 1 May Fletcher refueled from the tanker Neosho , and during the 2d-3d Fitch did likewise from the Tippecanoe , which then departed for Efate in the New Hebrides. On 5 and 6 May , Task Force Seventeen again refueled in the Coral Sea from the Neosho , which immediately thereafter was sent off to the southeast escorted by the destroyer Sims.
The retiring point was not far beyond the range of visibility. The battle of the Coral Sea will not be dealt with here except to note that the Neosho and her escort, the Sims , were discovered and destroyed by the enemy 7 May, and the following day the Lexington was lost and the Yorktown damaged. Meantime our planes had sunk the small enemy carrier Shoho , and severely mauled and all but sunk one of the two larger Japanese carriers. This apparently was more than the Japanese had bargained for, so the operation was discontinued and the enemy's combat units withdrew. The action therefore became a victory for Fletcher at what was probably the most critical period of the war thus far.
Nevertheless, if the withdrawal had not taken place, how much longer could Fletcher have held his position without a source of fuel near his force? We need not answer the question, but as a lesson for the future let us not forget the inadequacy of logistic support during the most critical battle in the Pacific up to that time. Fletcher's base at Tongatabu was 1, miles away, and Efate, where the nearly empty Tippecanoe had been sent, was more than miles away.
Hardly had the smoke cleared away from the Coral Sea when the enemy was detected in preparations for another move in great strength. This time the objective was diagnosed as Midway, and Task Force Sixteen started out belatedly for the South Pacific, was recalled to Pearl. Fletcher was also ordered to Pearl with his battered Yorktown.
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There she was hurriedly patched up for the fight to come. Along with plans for the expected sea and air battle, preparations were being made at CinCPac headquarters for the defense of Midway Island itself. That island needed personnel, planes, antiaircraft guns, ammunition, and certain stores, and needed them in a hurry. The U. Kitty Hawk Commander E. Rogers had arrived at Pearl on 17 May , and indeed this was fortunate, as few ships at that time had the crane capacity for unloading planes and heavy cargo at the dock at Midway. After unloading her stateside cargo at Pearl, the.
She got underway on the 23d and made her highest speed Just 12 minutes after mooring alongside the pier, the Marines started unloading the AA battery and by the next morning it was in place to protect the airfield on San Island. In addition to unloading her important deck cargo she gave the station fuel oil and got clear on the 29th, only a few days before the Battle of Midway commenced.
The Kitty Hawk had rendered substantial logistic support to the defense of Midway. In a congratulatory message to Commander Rogers, CinCPac commented upon the "unusually expeditious unloading at Midway. The task forces which sailed from Pearl on 28 and 30 May to meet the enemy had the tankers Cimarron , Platte , and Guadalupe at sea near them, and refueled on 31 May and 1 June. After the battle, on 8 June , they again refueled a little more than a hundred miles north of Midway Island. The beaten enemy retired, after losing all four of his participating carriers.
Lacking certain information, we did not pursue with all the vigor possible, which is unfortunate for we had air superiority and our fast tankers might well have gone farther west in support of our task force had pursuit been carried somewhat farther. Here at Midway we lost the Yorktown. We had not yet learned thoroughly the use and value of fleet tugs and salvage action. With the defeat of the Japanese at Midway a more nearly even balance of forces was accomplished, and it was time for us to attempt to take the initiative, to seize the offensive if possible.
This was certain to be bitterly contested by the enemy, who might still hope to gain the upper hand if his South Pacific drive could be won. It was natural that this was where we must next stop and defeat him, so the Guadalcanal offensive was planned. Vice Admiral Robert L. Ghormley since May had been Commander South Pacific. As such, he was charged with the conduct of the Guadalcanal operation under the over-all direction of Admiral Nimitz.
Late in July , not counting attack transports, which are considered combatant vessels, we had 15 logistic vessels there. The repair ship Rigel was at Auckland, N. At Tongatabu were the destroyer tender Whitney , hospital ship Solace , stores ship Antares , the fresh and frozen food ships Aldebaran and Talamanca , the ammunition ship Rainier , and two district patrol craft, YP and YP , both with provisions. The seaplane tender Curtiss and the two small plane tenders McFarland and Mackinac , the former a converted destroyer, based at Noumea, New.
Besides these, the fleet oilers Cimarron and Platte were to be at Tongatabu to supply oil for the amphibious force ships staging there late in July, and the fleet oiler Kaskaskia was scheduled to leave Pearl 20 July. At Noumea there were to be , barrels of fuel oil brought by chartered tankers, and the same amount about 2 August. Reed , with a capacity of 75, barrels, was a station oiler. The vital importance of an adequate supply of fuel, and its timely and properly allocated delivery to the vessels of the South Pacific for the campaign about to begin, was clearly recognized by Admiral Ghormley.
The distances involved, the scarcity of tankers, and the consumption of oil by task forces operating at high speeds made the solution of this logistic problem difficult enough if the normal operating consumption was used for estimates. But what would constitute "normal" when the offensive was under way? Henri d'Aramitz or Aramis, born around , was a lay abbot who inspired the fictional character of Aramis in the novel of Alexandre Dumas. Charles, the younger brother, was the first to enter the Company of Musketeers commanded by his nephew since He married Marie de Rague, daughter of the lord of Espalungue, near Laruns.
This union produced two daughters and a son, Henry, who was the inspiration for Alexandre Dumas's famous character. In May , Henry d'Aramis became the second Musketeer in the family, along with his father who had become Marshal des Logis. Military archives have no mention of the service records of father and son, nor what became of them following the dissolution of their Company in Skip to main content. Search form Search.